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Barroso Backs Down
Depending on which side you're coming from, you can describe it as "averting a crisis" or a "humiliating climbdown" but most will agree that Jose Manuel Barroso's decision to put the vote on his commission on hold for a month is an unprecedented event in recent EU history.
Barroso's decision came as it became clear that a majority vote to approve his commission was by no means certain, with British Labour MEPs even defying their leadership in London by threatening to overturn the Blair-approved commission line up.
As EURSOC has reported in the past fortnight, Italian Europe Affairs minister Rocco Buttiglione has been at the centre of a political and media storm over his provisional appointment as European commissioner for justice.
Buttiglione might have a name like a porn star but on every issue from homosexuality to single parents he has aired views which put him far to the right of most of the EU's journalists and policymakers. Although his supporters pointed out that Buttiglione's strict Catholic beliefs would not affect his handling of the justice portfolio - and he himself claimed he saw homosexuality as a sin rather than a crime, his detractors in the EU parliament, led by Socialist bloc leader Martin "Capo" Schultz, were determined to prevent him from taking the job.
More moderate MEPs, including the leadership of the Liberal group, pleaded with Mr Barroso to reshuffle Buttiglione or strip him of those parts of the portfolio which most concerned his opponents. For a while it appeared Barroso would consider this course of action, but earlier this week he defended his entire commission lineup, claiming he would not "surrender to the forces of intolerance" by sacking Buttiglione.
The row has split the usually chummy EU parliament as well as causing a crisis in relations between the parliament and the commission. Libertarians have been in the uncomfortable position of opposing Mr Buttiglione's beliefs while feeling equally repelled by the cynical and sanctimonious manoeuvres of his enemies.
Moreover, it has demonstrated the vast differences in European opinions at a time which much of the continent has been gloating at the "Two Americas" defined by President Bush and Senator Kerry.
Many northern Europeans, most metropolitans and nearly all journalists see Mr Buttiglione's views as archaic and intolerant. Some even worry that his appointment would allow the Vatican to exercise influence on European civil rights - the minister is close to the current Pope and shares many of his conservative beliefs.
However, as Stephen Pollard pointed out in an excellent editorial, Buttiglione's opinions may not be particularly palatable, but they are in line with what much of southern and central Europe believes - not to mention what aspirant members like Turkey might think on the subject. Some Italian newspapers have even claimed that opposition to Buttiglione is evidence of "anti-Catholic" prejudice in Brussels.
Pollard notes with concern that the drive to exclude Mr Buttiglione's views from public discourse is anti-democratic. Furthermore, the demand that EU commissioners should hold only a narrow range of approved beliefs is worrisome.
Nevertheless, as we pointed out last week, there may be less to this row than meets the eye. The Times tends to agree, noting that Martin Schultz's annoyance at being called a "Capo'" by Silvio Berlusconi has led him to organise opposition to Buttiglione, who was appointed by the Italian PM. Many left-wing MEPs have been seeking an opportunity to knacker the new commission - Jose Barroso's selection as president was viewed as a free-market coup by some French commentators, while sharks circled Britain's nominated commissioner Peter Mandelson as he gave an account of himself before a committee of hostile MEPs. Mandelson, expert operator that he is, managed to avoid outing himself as an Iraq-bashing free-marketeer as his enemies hoped: Buttiglione wasn't so lucky.
Reports that MEPs clapped and cheered as Barroso announced the postponment of the vote will confirm what the Times' leader writer suspected all along about the motivations of the anti-Buttiglione movement.
Describing the row as a "bizarre overreaction" the newspaper lays into the pretentions of the "mediocre MEPs" in the parliament, and Martin Schultz in particular:
"(For Barroso to back down) would be a capitulation to the prejudice and ambition of MEPs riding a crest of political correctness to raise their own deservedly low profile, bolster their weak claims to be taken seriously and score points in a grudge match against certain EU member states and their leaders, in particular Silvio Berlusconi...
"...For Herr Schulz to use “tolerance” as a cover for intolerance is intolerable. Such a course is not only crass and vindictive; it would also set a precedent that could be used against any national leader who fell foul of political correctness in Strasbourg...
"MEPs, some of whom are notable only for their irrelevance to most voters, cannot raise their low standing by pique, power games and hypocrisy. Only an adult attitude to their role and to the generally impressive incoming commission will regain the respect they have squandered across the Union they claim to represent."
So what next? Unfortunately for Europe, Barroso's commission is on hold for a month until a compromise can be found. Until then, we are treated to another month of Romano Prodi's commission, which includes such luminaries as Chris Patten and Neil Kinnock.
It seems likely that Rocco Buttiglione will not appear in the revised commission list, and it is up to Silvio Berlusconi to find a replacement which will allow him to regain some pride. Right-wing MEPs will demand the removal of a couple of ex-communist nominees from former Soviet bloc states on the commission list. Indeed, few have remarked how a man of strong religious conviction but with an impeccable public record can be booted from the commission while those who oversaw the oppression of their countrymen are welcomed.
And while all this goes on, Europe's leaders meet on Friday to sign the final draft of the European constitution. Those southern and central European leaders who have promised voters a referendum on the treaty may be wondering how to persuade their people to support an organisation which appears to actively discriminate against their beliefs.
